Clues to Criminal Conspiracy in Towns and Corporations

You, too, can be a detective. All you have to do is learn the clues, listen and watch.

"Crap rolls downhill," says the tough-talking detective, and that's a basic human truth. The expression is older than the Golden Rule, an observation base to every culture and language group. It is also a basis for pathology of human behavior, and it can help any investigator, even an amateur detective, identify when corrupt practices are taking place in town, county or state government, or in a large corporation or Ngo. The principle is simple: You watch the behavior of population at the bottom. If you find blatant corruption at the bottom, it rolled downhill. If you find fear, you're looking at someone who's intimidated by the corruption up above, and doesn't want to say anything.

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Now direct your gaze up the hill and study the population you see.

Clues to Criminal Conspiracy in Towns and Corporations

Do not the middle-class women of the world want to wear the same gown worn by the First Lady, or by actresses on the Red Carpet? They can't afford that same gown, possibly only one was made for the very rich female wearing it, but thousands of milliners and designers watch the Oscar and Emmy awards for thoughprovoking new ideas, they take pictures and they make copies. They know they can always sell those copies, because middle-class women always buy the copies to look like the wealthy women they admire.

With men, it's sports equipment and casual clothing. How many men wore copies of shirts worn by Tiger Woods, and carried putters and irons with his name engraved on them? In the fifties, the Eisenhower putter was a big seller. And speaking of sports heroes, are you wearing Hanes right now?

People with lesser incomes imitate the wealthy and powerful. They make a conscious attempt to look like the rich and act like the rich. This takes place whether the cheaper is good or bad.

The behavior of leaders in a good cheaper tends to be cheerful. In good times there is no pressure on leadership to "fix it," leadership can be happy, good-natured, casual. This behavior insensibly is adopted by firm leaders, then middle management and the middle class and it is slowly communicated downward to the poor as "good government." The leaders are happy, they're not worried, therefore we don't need to worry.

This happy, relaxed behavior becomes something to strive for, something leaders convention and try to project in public. They don't want to appear angry or tense, because that would "send the wrong signal." But leaders do quote themselves in subliminal ways to the population around them, and those population react by trusting or distrusting the leader.

When an cheaper is under stress, politicians come to be desperate and devious, it's difficult to be graceful when many voices are blaming you for something caused by a whole nation taking the wide and easy road of buying during boom times. Increased tension from the top of the pyramid breeds distrust and fear in the ranks, so the nervous and defensive behaviors of wealthy and influential population are unconsciously and insensibly adopted by those who look up to them. This is because population added down the wealth ladder tend to believe they should look like, dress like, act like, those at the top.

If those at the top are angry, anger becomes fashionable. If those at the top quote hate, hate will be adopted as a majority behavior. When those at the top are greedy, population at the lowest observation how limited they have.

No-one deliberately copies anyone, and no copied behavior is a exquisite similitude of another's behavior. But when politicians and judges are taking bribes, even when they are merely suspected of taking bribes, we soon find policemen, division heads, housing inspectors and corporate officers who can be paid to turn their minds, lose a document, or disguise a deliberate contamination of a river as an accidental spill. Magistrates who sell out may retain only the objections of the defense, or deny a prosecutor the right to introduce confident evidence in court. How many times have we seen evidence inexpressive from the jury because it might tend to convince them the defendant is guilty, or for that matter, innocent?

So when the population at the top have sold us out, the population who take orders from them, population who know them, begin to sell us out also. They see their superiors, their bosses and betters, becoming rich while violating laws and ethical standards, and they think: "Hey. That's just wrong!" Then they think. "Wait a minute, if they can do it, I can do it!" And many members of the society begin looking around for ways to heighten their incomes, legal or otherwise.

Individuals who are "getting away with something" go through a series of behavior changes, and that's how others begin to comprehend that they have come to be corrupt. Actual evidence is unnecessary, conferrence evidence is a secondary act. The first stage in identifying corruption is pure, raw suspicion, the sudden realization that a leader is hinky. Sometimes we don't know what "makes us think so," but hinky is as hinky does. We can comprehend the basis of our suspicions by analyzing behavior.

An ideal leader, a "good" leader, is someone who works as a member of teams, who cooperates and exchanges information, he sets confident objectives, he supports others in the achievement of their goals and he champions talented newcomers, all toward the revision of the society and the accomplishment of positive, life-affirming acts. all he does contributes to the thorough success of the society and to the respect with which the society is held.

Everyone who becomes a leader wants to be seen as the ideal leader and so most leaders behave approximately within this report until they come to be corrupt. Once they are "getting away with something," they keep secrets, they becomes tense, irritable, and begin mandating, threatening, ordering others to perform tasks. Most noticeably, they begin rejecting the advice offered by extremely moral friends and contacts, although they never disagree with the morality behind the recommended act.

They also come to be less efficient, spending a lot of money on projects, personnel and contract, which don't seem to do whatever to perform society goals, or perform those goals only at an unusually high price.

The corrupt leader also becomes conservative, he doesn't want to do whatever that would attract too much attention. Actually he accepts advice from fewer and fewer people, he shares only information which has already come to be public. In explanation of his sudden urge for secrecy, he may say: "If you give them information they'll only use it against you."

Ordering and mandating behaviors, my-way-or-the-highway attitudes, implied or direct verbal threats of termination or loss of status, and the outright firings of those who have tried to do their jobs correctly, all are indicators of a defensive state of mind, a mind which feels it is surrounded by enemies. On the one hand, the leader appears confident; at least his cavalier treatment of others and their ideas makes him seem confident. But these behaviors are expressive of a severe lack of confidence, largely arising out of guilt. Those who understand guilt and pay concentration to behavior are always the first to identify the leader is "getting away with something."

For a someone with diminished moral and ethical standards, that's all it takes. "If he can get away with it, I can get away with it," they say. And so, let the corruptions commence. Any gossip permeating the society which discusses the leader, his cronies and what they might be doing to "get away with something," should be wholly investigated. If an laborer says, "Well, everybody knows he got paid to get those crooks a license," it's time to begin questioning the population who know this. It might be gossip, but it might be the instinctive "reading" of changed behavior by sensitive people.

Persons near the top of the chain of command are well-educated, thoughprovoking and customary with psychology, risk pathology and trend analysis. When the leader's science of mind changes and the trend of his behavior demonstrates more guilt and "covering behavior" to disguise his growing lack of confidence, middle managers fast adapt their operating methods to the dubious situations in which they more frequently find themselves.

When leaders come to be dishonest, whole pages of the rule book go out the window. confident population who were in the "inner circle" are suddenly terminated, though they were determined to be long-term friends of population at the top. The memo on the bulletin board explains only that they "took early retirement" or have decided to "seek opportunities elsewhere." This is called bloodletting, and it means the leaders cannot trust their closest friends. The inexpressive they share, or don't want to share, is too dangerous.

And because of this, the leaders suddenly cannot be trusted, so those added down the ladder from the top make a thoughprovoking adjustment of their own. Corruption must be secret, and it must gain wealth. So in order to be successfully corrupt, the middle managers don't copy the leader's style of corruption. After all, any corrupt activity he takes is secret, imperceptible to them. Instead, they copy his style of caution. They are as just or as reckless as the bosses are. always the rule is: "If he can get away with it, I can get away with it." The more reckless these employees become, the more obvious, to them, is the leader's corruption.

As corruption moves down the chain of command, threats and intimidation begin to sway the lives of citizens:

Developers freely transfer the names of construction Inspectors who can be paid to ignore the signs of unreinforced construction, and they threaten their employees with firing if they talk about this. (They talk about it anyway; of what value is a job working for a crook who builds hazardous buildings to increase his profits?)

City Councilmen who have been "taken care of" unanimously approve the construction of a sewage treatment plant across the road from a factory, so that hydrocarbon toxins can be favorably poured into a creek, disguised by half-treated sewage, and flow without interruption into the Great Lakes. Premise owners threaten their employees: "If Epa ever so much as tries to explore us, I can move all your jobs to Mexico and pay those population .56 an hour!" Intimidated, the workers keep quiet. Later, when investigators scrutinize the cancer infection rate is suddenly three times the national average, the threat becomes: "Any of you population with cancer, if you give information to those liberals, you could lose your curative insurance."

When a house is partially burned, the Town Council orders it wholly demolished, citing health and safety, because the councilors get a division from the developer who rebuilds it, and they want him to rebuild the whole house, not just the burned portion. The division is bigger, but sometimes this leaves population homeless because their insurance won't cover the cost of the whole house. The Town Council doesn't care, they just resent the loss of that larger percentage.

So the perfidious acts of elected officials and corporate officers are beginning to produce negative impacts on the lives of the working poor. When corruption becomes the norm among the middle class and middle management, the poor merely see it as "the way things are going." Risk-taking poor individuals now commit crimes of armed robbery, while risk-averse individuals commit crimes of drug sales and identity theft. Again, the only behaviors that are copied are the behaviors supporting caution or the lack of caution.

The more profligate the corruption at the top, the more outrageous the anti-social behavior will be at the bottom. The first group clue to thorough corruption is an increase in local crime, unemployment and prostitution, coupled with an increase in outrageous behavior in schools, sports events and places where alcohol is served.

When adults commit crimes against children, and when children routinely engage in acts of cruelty against each other and small animals, these are signs that the corruption has come to be wholly entrenched in a regional society. Parents are communicating their corruption to children, possibly by screaming, threatening, or attacking them, and secretive acts committed throughout the society (murdering pets or wildlife, arson, vandalism) demonstrate a growing depraved indifference to life, a growing disrespect for the feelings of others. School teachers, coaches or administrators come to be oppressive, threatening, they engage in severe punishments more frequently than in the past. Politicians call for stronger laws to "deal with these out-of-control teen-agers." Children and teens transfer acts of corruption and cruelty in the schoolyard. Drug use may increase if drugs are available. Frustrated teen-age drivers swerve on the highway to kill raccoons and possum because it "makes them feel better." Verbal communication in the lower classes of local society begins to be infused with threats, intimidation, bullying, anger, contempt, ridicule. Jokes come to be jokes about death and murder: "Oh, look," a pretty girl says, "a small child, kill it," and all her friends giggle. Signs posted in the local group park threaten litterbugs with prison. "Civilized" young adults gossip and there are no limits to the lies they spread. To a stranger, the local society appears vicious, more hazardous than a ghetto.

All these signs are symptomatic and related. They are forms of evidence indicating the local society is damaged by the corruption in leadership. population are angry and frustrated at being unable to heighten their situation. An error frequently made by investigators is the assumption that when one or two flagrantly guilty persons are indicted, the investigation has been successful. This is ordinarily not the case when corruption originates at the top of society. When "successful" persons in the middle of a hierarchy are violating ethics and laws, they are taking their cue from at least one, possibly all, of the top five senior leaders in the organization. someone up above middle management is "getting away with something," and the flagrantly confident deviants below are merely copying what they see.

Throughout the organization, population "know," without having proof, that their leadership is corrupt and that the corruption is bleeding into the lives of midpoint citizens, it is affecting business, it is altering the economy. There will be programs to "cut spending" because the leadership has been siphoning money out of the local or firm cheaper to fill their offshore accounts.

When money becomes unavailable or more expensive, honest bankers and savvy journalists begin to examine where the money is going. Soon the leaders confirm their suspicions by erecting barriers to group communication, barriers to criticism. They found twenty-page "security agreements" which all employees are required to sign; the excuse is security, but the purpose of these agreements is to preclude whistleblowing and exclude union activism. Leaders may refuse to acknowledge questions or sit for interviews. They punish those who ask "too many questions." Journalists may be threatened, lose their entry credentials, suckered into other stories with red-herring bait or their editors may be influenced to reassign or discontinue them. In cities and towns, new laws may be passed to preclude group meetings or to wish a license application and fee for any someone or group sponsoring a large conferrence of citizens. The police may explore whatever found to be circulating a petition. This will be "for the protection of the community." Whispering campaigns may warn middle-class citizens to "keep away" from someone determined too inquisitive. Strangers may circulate through the parking lot, writing down the license plates of citizens who gather to discuss the problems of the community. Threats are focused on the wives and children of men who attend those meetings, because women "fold" more readily.

The thorough message sent down to the working poor by a corrupt leadership is this: "You are powerless, we are strong. We can discontinue you, we can take away your pension and your curative insurance. We can have you arrested and punished. We can have you ostracized from your community. We can have your children harmed if you make it necessary. We can frighten your wife, and if she cannot convince you to behave, we will harm your children. Do you want to be responsible for the pain they suffer?"

When a small town is prosperous, it is ordinarily victorious because one of two situations exists: 1. everybody works very hard, they cooperate, they transfer information and they have a "one for all and all for one" attitude. Or, 2. There is one key player which provides employment for a lot of people. When that key player (a big factory, a bank, a troops base) hires many workers and contracts with small firm in the region, the cheaper is boosted, population come to be prosperous, and the middle class becomes ordinarily thankful that the key player is in their limited town. They would reconsider it a tragedy if the key player moved or went out of business.

A association in the middle of any two individuals will evolve, will change, as the individuals enjoy prosperity or suffer financial loss. The association in the middle of citizens of a town and the management of a key player is no different. Sooner or later, the key player begins to identify the financial dependency of the town's middle class on economics generated by the key player. Suddenly overconfident, the management team of the key player begins to quote heightened expectations of cooperation from middle class citizens. They begin to make demands. Who has not observed or heard of the heavy-handed sway of a large Premise in the elections of a small town? The management of the Premise wants greater sway in the found of laws and compulsion of law in the town; therefore any unethical rehearsal of power to retain the factory's chosen candidate becomes suitable behavior...as long as it is secret.

The longer the Premise or bank controls the town, the more radical the demands of its management become. They have grown confident in their power and they feel they have a divine right to increase their control. Simultaneously, their overconfidence leads them to make decisions which they know would cause a group outcry if the decisions became known. So, overconfident, but feeling guilt and fear at the plan of "being caught," they make decisions which can only be described as a cover-up. They come to be desperate to halt inquiries made into their dealings, they begin to make "enemy lists," they engage in secretive behavior. Threats and lies supervene the secrecy, terminations of "talkative" employees supervene the threats and lies.

When a key player is continually victorious at electing its "insider" candidates to the town council, the swelling trust of management makes greater demands on the candidates who are elected. The pressure is on to perform tasks the key player has decided are significant to its success. At the same time, co-optation strategies (bribery, extortion, threats, group accusations) are used to gain the unwilling cooperation of "outsiders" who are accidentally elected. As a result, new laws are passed to retain activities of the key player, and to thwart activities of those who are determined by the key player to be its enemies. Thus we have the image of the one-factory town in which the one Premise is acknowledged by all citizens to "have the whole town sewed up."

Two aspects of behavior exist to demonstrate when a key player is thoughprovoking aggressively to dominate a small town. First, the "outsider" candidates complain during elections that they are attacked unfairly, that others are telling outrageous lies about them, and that the truth they tell is never printed or distributed by local media. Second, the found of laws passed by "insider" legislators may supply clues to the sway of a key player.

In a typical town, a petty law exists and is strictly enforced. No population is allowed to post bills or signs on the telephone poles and fences belonging to the town. This seems unfair to most Americans, it is a convention in free cities of America, when your puppy is lost, you put a picture of the puppy on a sign saying "Lost Puppy" and staple the signs on phone poles around the neighborhood. But in a town where the most fear of the key player's management is a union organizer whose sign might read: "Fight for Union Wages, Bob's House, Saturday Night!" the posting of bills is strictly prohibited and violators are warned, threatened, arrested and prosecuted.

Rejecting behavior toward "undesirables" has come to be more sophisticated since the tube of the Civil ownership Act of 1964 and the assorted Hate Crime laws of more new vintage. Blatant, angry behavior of power groups toward the population they despise has disappeared, and rejecting activities are much more subtle and refined. These actions fit into a method combining relaxation of speech, legal acts of avoidance and inexpressive maneuvers or gossip. When a large, victorious society engages in rejecting activity, the actions of their supporters are subtle and sophisticated, because they are advised by attorneys. These rejecting behaviors come to be habitual among the middle-class culture which seeks to imitate and please the great society which dominates them. Thus we have the image of the "town without pity."

As the key player becomes more powerful, the desire of the management team for operate and domination of the town begins to violate the U.S. Constitution. Laws which are not strictly legal are passed to keep "undesirables" out of town. Forms of propaganda may be circulated, may even be taught in the high schools and preached in the churches. The propaganda is designed to destroy respect for the federal government, especially with regard to investigative agencies which enforce financial (Sec, Fdic), environmental (Epa), labor (National Labor Relations Board) and other major groups of federal laws. Any "over-the-top" conspiracy theory which is being fed to young population should bring an investigation of the school board, the church hierarchy, or whatever decision-making group is responsible for championing this propaganda. Investigators should examine to learn why the theory is being taught and who financed the effort. Members of the group should be informed that they have a right to refuse the "training" sessions, disagree with what is taught, and that any attempt to punish them for variation is illegal, discriminatory and a good fancy for a group lawsuit. When whole communities are spoon-fed a political theory which undermines respect for the government, there is ordinarily a financial payment, funds are donated to churches and inexpressive in return for the delivery of the desired propaganda. The source of financing should be publicly identified.

In one town, when newcomers rent or buy into the neighborhood, they are visited within the first weeks by a middle-class neighbor, ordinarily smiling and bringing a small gift. A clue to the purpose of her visit may be the number of questions she asks, specifically with regard to how the newcomer earns a living. The newcomer's next experience will be of two policemen showing up at his door, asking questions and mentioning that they have received an anonymous complaint. The police will have checked the newcomer's arrest record, they may examine his group protection number. These visits by police will never stop, they may be weekly, monthly or quarterly, but their investigations will continue as long as the anonymous complaints keep rolling in, and the complaints will continue until the unwanted newcomer leaves. The police will never mention that the officer taking calls at the middle point knows all the middle-class and wealthy population in town by the sound of their voices. In a small town, there is no such thing as an anonymous report, but the officer at the phone is just never to write down the names of important citizens.

Middle class citizens complex in a local culture which protects the key player will shun or insult confident newcomers. This is a demonstration of their trust and their fear at the same time. They owe their prosperity to the great mover-and-shaker, so if a newcomer is identified by insiders as an undesirable, they feel no group compulsion to be diplomatic or to moderate their anti-social behavior. They may quietly insult him with a smirk, they may scream at him in the group street, they may quietly gossip behind his back, but their behavior will not be moderated by any obligations to the ideals and ethics of the larger society. They are demonstrating their membership in a powerful, ghetto-like gang.

This membership is strongly enforced by gossip, and it creates comical situations. Members of the insider group have been warned away from the newcomer. They have been told not to deal with him or do firm with him, to make him go away. Some of these members may accidentally come to be complex in a conversation before they comprehend they are speaking in group with someone who must be shunned. Suddenly the face registers surprise, the insider stops talking, steps back confused, turns and walks away without even finishing a sentence. When this happens three or four times, assume you are being shunned. Make a list of the population who are shunning you.

An connected clue might be your equality of racial and economic status with the insiders. If members of other races are shunned, or if middle-class population self-importantly shun working-class people, the newcomer might settle the cause of shunning is his racial or economic differentiation. But if a man is white, middle-class and Christian, and he is shunned by white, middle-class Christians, that is a clue which has great importance. The newcomer is perceived as a threat; the members of the clique which supports the key player have something to hide. They fear the newcomer.

Because he is their intellectual and group equal, he might comprehend their secret. He might "see right through them."

"Yeah," says the tough detective. "White men know all about gravity. Crap rolls downhill."

Clues to Criminal Conspiracy in Towns and Corporations